（吉隆坡25日訊）大馬首富兼糖王郭鶴年今日在香港和新加坡推出回憶錄，在分享他眼中的6名首相時，更直言對我國土著扶弱政策大感失望，前首相敦胡申翁也無力把國家拉向正軌，致使列車「走錯方向」。
郭鶴年父親與胡申翁父親敦翁惹化，自30年代就是朋友，郭鶴年和胡申翁更曾是同班同學，他也曾勸告這名第3任首相，應該在接任首相職前無視種族、膚色和信仰，採用最全能的大馬人才。
「你（胡申翁）即將成為國家領袖，你有3個孩子，依序為巫裔、華裔和印裔；我們可以看到的是，第一個孩子比其他2個更受寵；胡申，如果你在家庭裡這麼做，你的長子將被寵壞。」
「他長大後將會夜夜流連夜店，受歧視的次子和三子則會越來越堅韌，最終將更成功，而長子則會更失敗；胡申，請用最好的大馬人才，那些廉正、能力強大、勤奮和堅毅的大馬人，無論他們是什麼種族或宗教。」
聲稱由馬來人統治
《南華早報》轉載94歲郭鶴年自傳時，引述他勸勉胡申翁時說，若後者過度為土著設限或投入更多溺愛，那土著將抱著特權態度成長。
郭鶴年說，胡申翁聽過其勸告後靜默一會兒，接著說他不能這麼做，因為馬來人已無法接受這種改變。
「他清楚告訴我，這將會是馬來人統治；我很失望，但我已不能做什麼，我想他明白我要傳達的訊息，但他深知這個進程已相去甚遠。
「我見證了一台火車開往錯誤方向；胡申執政時代，他在逆流前行路上只是局部成功；國家列車已走錯路，胡申並不夠強大將這台列車拉回正軌。」
東姑從不收納朋黨
郭鶴年形容，國父東姑阿都拉曼雖然交友廣闊，卻從不會收納朋黨。
「他的朋友們偶爾幫助他，或送他一箱香檳或特別進口牛排，他特愛在自家草坪上煎牛排和開香檳；他也會幫助他的朋友，但他從不收容朋黨。
「當年陳修信是財政部長，東姑致函告知一名在檳城經商的友人，面對稅務狀況遭稅務部調查，並尋求東姑幫助；東姑在信中說到：『你知道某某是我的朋友，我並沒有要你幫忙，修信，但我肯定你可以原諒他。』」
只盡朋友職責
郭鶴年說，陳修信感到失望並衝入（前副首相）依斯邁阿都拉曼辦公室投訴，但依斯邁笑著讀完信件，扭成一團後就丟入垃圾桶，並告訴陳修信，東姑只是盡他朋友的職責，忽視東姑就可把工作做好。
「這就是東姑幫助朋友的方式；但朋黨主義不一樣，那是哈巴狗奉承領袖後，從領袖手中獲得國家利益。」
「國家資產、計劃或生意不應該交到任何人手中，無論是元首或首相；真正的領袖就是國家的首要受託人，若缺乏完善體制引導，則其誠信將引導他做對的事。」
東姑訪中後改變偏見
郭鶴年指出，東姑阿都拉曼曾形容中國共產主義者為「惡魔」，但親身官訪中國後態度卻180度改變，眼中的惡魔也變好友。
他在與東姑接觸時，發現後者有一些盲點，其中一個就是對共產黨有極度偏見。
「有一天當我們變很熟，他對我說：『共產黨，在伊斯蘭就是惡魔！你不能和中國的共產黨員接觸，否則就是和惡魔交涉！我則回應：東姑，中國之所以變成共產黨，是因為人民曾經歷了打壓和侵犯。」
東姑顯然不表認同，還指郭鶴年身為大馬華人是一件很幸運的事，而後者只是輕聲說了句：「東姑，身為大馬首相，你應該和中國人做朋友。
沒想到多年後，東姑與15名華裔商人受邀官訪中國，舊時的負面偏見卻一掃而空，直言這趟行程令他大開眼界，還稱讚中國人「就像你我一樣，都是好人，我們甚至可以談論任何事。」
從此以後，東姑不再稱呼中國共產黨為惡魔。
修復貧富懸殊 引發種族主義
郭鶴年說，大馬用來修復種族間貧富懸殊的手法，卻導致種族主義抬頭，身為土生土長的華裔，他對巫裔被誤導感到極度可悲。
他指出，若說為了土著權益而改變一次政策，是為了達致國家和平，那再做第二次，則可成為「搶劫」了。
「為什麼因為是政府做的，就不能稱之為打劫？而當人民提出反對，卻被稱為煽動種族衝突，可被判監3年；身為土生土長，且和巫裔一同唸書長大的大馬華人，我對巫裔被如此誤導感到難過。」
郭鶴年說，政府為了拉近華裔和巫裔之間的經濟懸殊，採取了非常危險的捷徑，其中一個副作用就是越來越醜陋的種族主義抬頭。
「但很少有人願意聽我說話，在大部分亞洲國家，很少人敢挑戰掌權者；就像《國王的新衣》，當國王裸身問身邊人衣服漂亮嗎，大家只會說這是最漂亮的衣服。」
513後決心助國家發展
郭鶴年直言，若當年國家領袖善用華裔力量，華裔極可能將掌握國家的90至95%財富，這對大馬經濟是好事，對國家卻是壞事。
他說，513事件後國家更傾向朋黨主義，而他也下定決心協助國家發展，並依照政府要求投入運輸或鋼鐵生意。
「即便是馬來人也有承認他們自身弱點，並贊成善用華裔力量，但這或許會製造更多問題。」
他認為，整體而言馬來領袖領導國家的舉止都合理，他們以往都給巫裔好處，但他們發現矯枉過正時，就試圖修補問題。
「他們的心態是正確的，但卻無法找到解決問題的方法；自1969年5月13日，馬來領袖只有一個簡單的信念：馬來人需要設限，現在你看有多少局限？」
極端巫裔將貧窮歸咎華印裔
郭鶴年說，東姑阿都拉曼在513騷亂事件後意興闌珊，因為努力協助國家爭取獨立後，卻被馬來人指控為出賣國家給華裔，極端巫裔更將馬來人的貧窮歸咎華裔和印裔掠奪財富。
「老實說，東姑並沒做什麼，他是個愛國愛民且非常公正的人；但他知道，若偏愛一個群體將是寵壞他們，英國統治馬來亞時也將一些好處給了馬來人，巫裔在國家獨立後獲得更多獎勵。」
他指出，513事件後的極端馬來人，將貧窮怪在華裔和印裔頭上，像東姑這樣面面俱到的領袖，已無法控制這些人，因此有想法的領袖都要靠邊站，反而極端分子騎劫了權力。
「這些馬來人喊著被欺負的口號，變富時卻從未對貧窮巫裔做什麼，反倒是富有的華裔和印裔為巫裔製造工作；經商環境也不再乾淨透明，以往是公開招標，只要努力和有實力，十之八九都會成功。」
FROM ROBERT KUOK』S MEMOIRS, IT IS CLEAR MALAY EXTREMISM, OVER-PAMPERING OF ONE RACE & CRONYISM BEGAN WITH NAJIB』S FATHER, WHILE HUSSEIN ONN, MAHATHIR & SUCCESSORS CARRIED ON THE TORCH PUSHING MALAYSIA INTO THE ABYSS
TYCOON Robert Kuok has released his autobiography in Hong Kong and Singapore today, detailing his thoughts on Malaysia and his relationship with its prime ministers
The South China Morning Post (SCMP), which Kuok once owned, released excerpts of his memoir today.
IN the 376-page 「Robert Kuok, A Memoir」, the 54th richest man in the world, according to Bloomberg, said he had known all of Malaysia’s six prime ministers and shared how he saw Malaysia’s trajectory as far back as 1969.
Tunku – chief trustee of a nation
Kuok, who is also ranked Malaysia’s richest man, said first prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman was a well-educated law graduate with 「tremendous rhythm」.
「If you talk of brains, Tunku was brilliant, and very shrewd. His mother was Thai, and he had that touch of Thai shrewdness, an ability to smell and spot whether a man was to be trusted or not.
「Tunku was less mindful about administrative affairs. But he had a good number two in Tun (Abdul) Razak (Hussein), who was extremely industrious, and Tunku left most of the paperwork to Razak.」
The 94-year-old said Tunku had many friends but he would not adopt cronies.
「His friends sometimes helped him, or they sent him a case of champagne or slabs of specially imported steak. He loved to grill steaks on his lawn and open champagne, wine or spirits. Tunku would also do favours for his friends, but he never adopted cronies.
「When Tan Siew Sin was finance minister, Tunku sent him a letter about a Penang businessman who was one of Tunku’s poker-playing buddies. It seems the man had run into tax trouble and was being investigated by the tax department, and he had turned to Tunku for help.
「In his letter, Tunku wrote, 『You know so-and-so is my friend. I am not asking any favours of you, Siew Sin, but I am sure you can see your way to forgiving him,』 or something to that effect.」
But Kuok said Siew Sin was upset and marched into Dr Ismail (Abdul Rahman)’s office to complain.
「Ismail took the letter, crumpled it into a ball and threw it into the waste-paper basket. He then said, 『Siew Sin, Tunku has done his duty by his friend. Now, by ignoring Tunku, you will continue to do your duty properly』,」 Kuok said.
「That was as far as Tunku would go to help a friend. Cronyism is different. Cronies are lapdogs who polish a leader’s ego. In return, the leader hands out national favours to them.
「A nation’s assets, projects and businesses should never be for anyone to hand out, neither for a king nor a prime minister. A true leader is the chief trustee of a nation. If there is a lack of an established system to guide him, his fiduciary sense should set him on the proper course.」
Kuak said a leader who practiced cronyism justified his actions by doing everything necessary to achieve his ends.
A different man after 1969
Kuok said Tunku was a different man after the May 13 race riots.
Tunku felt he had helped the country gain independence and had ruled as wisely as he could, yet, the Malays turned on him for purportedly selling out to the Chinese, said Kuok.
「In fairness to Tunku, he had done nothing of the sort. He was a very fair man who loved the nation and its people. But he knew that, if you favour one group, you only spoil them. When the British ruled Malaya, they extended certain advantages to the Malays.
「When the Malays took power following independence on August 31, 1957, more incentives were given to them. But there was certainly no showering of favours.」
Kuok said everything changed after 1969 due to extremist Malays attributing their poverty to plundering Chinese and Indians.
「The more thoughtful leaders were shunted aside and the extremists hijacked power. They chanted the same slogans as the hotheads – the Malays are underprivileged; the Malays are bullied – while themselves seeking to become super-rich.
「When these Malays became rich, not many of them did anything for the poor Malays; the Chinese and Indians who became rich created jobs, many of them filled by Malays.」
Pro-Malay Malaysia
Kuok said prior to 1969 the government would open tenders and if a company worked hard, it would succeed 「eight or nine times out of 10」.
「But things were changing, veering more and more towards cronyism and favouritism.」
Kuok said Malay leaders were quite reasonable in running the country and gave Malays an advantage at times.
「Then, when they see that they have overdone it, they try to redress the problem. Their hearts are in the right place, but they just cannot see their way out of their problems. Since May 13, 1969, the Malay leadership has had one simple philosophy: the Malays need handicapping. Now, what amount of handicapping?」
Closing the gap but opening new wounds
Kuok said Malaysia’s zeal to narrow the wealth gap between the races caused even more racism.
「As a Chinese who was born and grew up in Malaysia, and went to school with the Malays, I was saddened to see the Malays being misled in this way. I felt that, in their haste to bridge the economic gap between the Chinese and the Malays, harmful shortcuts were being taken. One of the side effects of their zeal to bridge the economic gap was that racism became increasingly ugly.
「I saw very clearly that the path being pursued by the new leaders after 1969 was dangerous. But hardly anyone was willing to listen to me.」
Hussein Onn and the three sons
Kuok said his father and Hussein Onn’s father, Onn Jaafar had known each other since the 1930s. Kuok and Hussein were even classmates at one time.
And he told the third prime minister to use the best Malaysians for the job regardless of race, colour and creed before he took over.
「You』re going to be the leader of a nation, and you have three sons, Hussein. The firstborn is Malay, the second-born is Chinese, the third-born is Indian. What we have been witnessing is that the firstborn is more favoured than the second or third. Hussein, if you do that in a family, your eldest son will grow up very spoiled.
「As soon as he attains manhood, he will be in the nightclubs every night. The second and third sons, feeling the discrimination, will grow up hard as nails.
「Please, Hussein, use the best brains, the people with their hearts in the right place, Malaysians of total integrity and strong ability, hard-working and persevering people. Use them regardless of race, colour or creed.
「The other way, Hussein, the way your people are going – excessive handicapping of Bumiputeras, showering love on your first son – your firstborn is going to grow up with an attitude of entitlement.」
Kuok said Hussein was quiet for a while and after that he said: 「No, Robert. I cannot do it. The Malays are now in a state of mind such that they will not accept it.」
He clearly spelt out to me that, it was going to be Malay rule, said Kuok.
「I felt disappointed, but there was nothing more that I could do. Hussein was an honest man of very high integrity. Before going to see him, I had weighed his strength of character, his shrewdness and skill. We had been in the same class, sharing the same teachers.
「I knew Hussein was going to be the Malaysian prime minister whom I was closest to in my lifetime. I think Hussein understood my message, but he knew that the process had gone too far.
「I had seen a picture developing all along of a train moving in the wrong direction. During Hussein’s administration, he was only partially successful in stemming the tide. The train of the nation had been put on the wrong track. Hussein wasn』t strong enough to lift up the train and set it down on the right track.」