今日最新！納吉將趁來屆大選一舉撤換9州首長與州務大臣？9個將人頭落地的首長是誰？他們犯了什麼錯？莫非全國各州首長都反中央了嗎？
根據民主行動黨居鑾區國會議員劉鎮東爆料，這9個將被納吉除掉的州務大臣與首席部長，分別為霹靂州務大臣贊比利；森美蘭州務大臣莫哈默哈山；彭亨州務大臣安南耶谷；吉打州務大臣阿末巴沙；登嘉樓州務大臣阿末拉吉夫；玻璃市州務大臣阿茲蘭曼；柔佛州務大臣卡立諾丁；馬六甲首席部長依德利斯及沙巴首席部長穆沙阿曼！
據悉，這9個州的首長當中，有些是因為不願聽從第一夫人羅斯瑪差遣；一些是因為在位太久死死霸住首長位子不放；還有一些原本就不是納吉圈子內的自己人；更有一些長期無作為，導致州內民怨沸騰。
根據了解，霹靂州務大臣贊比利早在505全國大選後就一度盛傳不獲納吉點頭連任，但是因為霹靂巫統內部互相傾側的情況嚴重，為了平衡各派勢力，不得不讓贊比利繼續充當過渡性州務大臣。但納吉明顯不喜歡贊比利，這次能否一舉將他換掉？
森美蘭州務大臣莫哈默哈山事實上早在2008年308大選後就已經一度盛傳將下台，但因為森州強人伊薩貪污罪名成立入獄服刑，州內沒有更適合人選取代莫哈默哈山，只得然他繼續領導森州；但過去9年來，哈山明顯不屬於納吉陣營，雖然他沒有明目張膽傾嚮慕尤丁，但為預防萬一，這回納吉下刀應該不再手軟。
彭亨州務大臣安南耶谷早在去年便因為得罪羅斯瑪而被冷落，他也曾私下向戰友透露，很可能來屆大選他不會再上陣了。
吉打州務大臣阿末巴沙則因為上任後毫無作為，導致民怨沸騰，加上吉打州是前首相馬哈迪的傳統勢力範圍，阿末巴沙根本沒有能力與馬哈迪陣營抗衡；被陣前易將也是理所當然。
登嘉樓州務大臣拉吉夫由於無法壓下州內反對他的勢力，加上未曾經過王室及州行政議會批准，私下批了兩座小島送給臭名昭彰的邪惡穆斯林宗教司炸雞奶意ZAKI NAIK，得罪了王室與朝野政治人物；他甚至因此還被登州蘇丹遞奪了拿督封銜！被撤換已經是板上釘釘的事。
玻璃市州務大臣阿茲蘭曼傳出被納吉斬首的最主要原因，是因為他不屬於納吉陣營的朋黨，很多時候不願對納吉羅斯瑪言聽計從；不聽話的狗當然就會被做掉。
柔佛州務大臣卡立諾丁從一開始就不是納吉要的人，但他獲得柔州王室支持，柔州蘇丹欽命他出任州務大臣，納吉無從反對。事實證明在一馬公司醜聞爆發之後，卡立諾丁明顯與納吉羅斯瑪陣營保持距離，不願赴這趟渾水。在納吉心目中，柔佛州是一個難以操控的州屬，因此他有意趁著全國大選之際安排卡立諾丁棄州攻國，勝選後將他安排入中央內閣，架空他的權力，另外安排心腹人選出任新的州務大臣。
馬六甲首席部長依德利斯同樣不受納吉羅斯瑪鐘愛，外傳反貪會最近大動作調查柔州與馬六甲州的貪污案件，幕後主使人就是納吉，藉以敲山震虎，警告兩州領導人：你們的時間不多了。
不過，最棘手最難搞的，就是沙巴首席部長穆沙安曼了。政壇消息指出，納吉今年初企圖迫使沙巴州舉行閃電州選，藉以除掉穆沙安曼；因為穆沙安曼擔任沙巴首席部長太久了，而且越來越不聽從中央指揮，在處理非法移民問題上也與中央不同調，搞得納吉非常惱火，而除掉他的唯一方法就是舉行州大選，逼迫他不得上陣。
消息透露，為了反制中央，穆沙安曼與擔任外交部長的弟弟阿尼法安曼聯手向中央逼宮，阿尼法以辭職對抗，強迫納吉取消沙巴提早大選的念頭。雖然納吉因為擔心沙巴政局因此內亂可能失去政權而暫時打消願意，但是穆沙安曼兄弟與納吉之間的心結已經越來越深，恐怕難以善了。
Najib Planned to Oust 9 Menteri Besar
This year began with Najib believing he was invincible and 「unsinkable」 (as The Diplomat magazine describes him), that the opposition is in shambles, and that arch-rivals Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim would not be able to reconcile to form a formidable team against him. It looked like they would not pose an electoral threat to BN.
He also believed that the de facto “coalition” with Abdul Hadi Awang’s PAS was sufficient to deliver victories to Umno and BN through planted three-corner fights.
Najib was confident that the economy would be in a better shape through the general expansion of exports as well as deals with China.
Everything was perfect for him. The plan was to dissolve Parliament in September or October.
Plan to remove senior leaders
Najib was so confident that, according to some Umno sources, he planned to drop some menteris besar, chief ministers and senior Umno ministers, including up to seven menteris besar and chief ministers in the next general election.
It has long been rumoured that Perak MB Zambry Abdul Kadir, who assumed office after the Perak coup in 2009, will be moved to federal.
Negeri Sembilan MB Mohamad Hasan, in office since 2004, is a great survivor as he was rumoured to have been shown the door even as early as 2008. Pahang MB Adnan Yaakob, in office since 1999, told friends that he was not sure if he would be fielded again.
Kedah MB Ahmad Bashah Md Hanipah is not an inspired leader, while Terengganu politics under MB Ahmad Razif Abdul Rahman is in a mess, and Perlis MB Azlan Man is not Najib’s choice.
Those considerations are not new.
But the signs of Najib’s strategic overreach and hubris manifested in the attempt to change Sabah Chief Minister Musa Aman, Johor MB Mohamed Khaled Nordin and Malacca Chief Minister Idris Haron.
Musa Aman and his brother Anifah Aman resisted Najib’s move by attempting to force a Sabah state election. The tussle came to a head in February when Anifah was rumoured to have resigned as Foreign Minister and The Star published an exclusive report of the possibility of the separate poll.
Khaled Nordin’s selection as Johor MB in the 2013 general election was due more to the Sultan’s choice rather than being Najib’s ally. In the initial period after Muhyiddin Yassin was sacked from the cabinet at the height of Najib’s 1MDB 「Donation-gate」 in July 2015, Khaled was seen trying to distance himself from the prime minister. I was told that Khaled asked aides to look into the possibility of a separate state poll.
My friends in Umno are of the view that recent MACC activities in Johor and Malacca are related to the attempt to move Khaled and Idris to federal and replace them with a new set of leaders who would be more loyal to Najib.
Najib also attempted to sideline Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Umno Secretary-General Tengku Adnan Mansor and veteran Annuar Musa.
The peak of Najib’s strategic overreach was the appointment of his cousin and Defense Minister Hishammuddin Hussein as Special Functions Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department in April. From Najib’s camp, the appointment was meant to clip Zahid’s wings and to prepare Hishammuddin for post-GE Umno party election.
Najib’s great flaws
The fundamental flaw with the strategy is that Najib is the problem, not the solution. Najib’s popularity among the voters is at a historic low and unlikely to recover.
Time is not on Najib’s side. His momentum was stopped from May onwards. The mishandling of the Bandar Malaysia deal, the Felda Global Ventures Holdings Berhad (FGV) fiasco and the United States』 Department of Justice (DOJ) suit on 1MDB further weakened his position.